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BURMESE VERSION




EDITORIAL
Tension in the North
Wednesday, August 26, 2009

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Tension between the Burmese military and the ethnic ceasefire militias has been rising along the Sino-Burmese border in recent months.

The latest episode occurred on Monday, when junta troops moved against the leader of the Kokang ceasefire group known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in the Lao Kai area in northern Shan State.

Kokang leader Pheung Kya-shin escaped arrest by Burmese troops who were looking for illegal drugs in his home, fleeing with his followers. Pheung Kya-shin, also known as Peng Jiasheng, negotiated the ceasefire agreement between the MNDAA and the regime in 1989.

The main reason for the increased tension has been the regime’s adamant demand for ceasefire groups to transform their militias into border guard forces, and the ceasefire groups’ steadfast refusal to comply.

In April 2009, the regime told ceasefire groups about their plan to transform the ceasefire militias into a border guard force.

Under the new scheme, each border guard battalion would have 326 troops, with 30 soldiers from the Burmese army, including one of three commanding officers, who would take charge of administration. The border guard battalions would only be located in the territory of the ceasefire groups, and their members would receive the same pay as regular Burmese soldiers.

Large and powerful ethnic armed groups, like the Kachin, Wa and Kokang based along the Sino-Burmese border, have refused to accept the order, but smaller, weaker groups are more likely to agree.

Understandably, the ceasefire groups want to maintain their independent armed forces to control their own territories and enjoy self-determination.

Analysts predict that the regime’s next target will be the Wa. The United Wa State Party’s (UWSP) opposition to the junta’s proposal has lead to heightened tensions and speculation about a renewal of armed conflict.

However, the Wa army has 20,000 soldiers and the regime is unlikely to risk fighting on the Chinese border. Chinese officials who are sympathetic to ethnic groups on the border have warned the Burmese not to initiate military conflict in the area.

As in the case of the Kokang group, whose new leaders are likely to be more pliant to Burmese military demands in the absence of Pheung Kya-shin, it is likely that the regime will wait for the Wa leadership to weaken.

In the south, the regime employed a divide and rule strategy to defeat the Karen National Union. The ongoing internal conflicts and infighting among Karen groups seriously weakened the once formidable Karen forces.

The ethnic armed groups in the north are not united enough to confront the regime, nor have they shown a clear political vision for the future of Burma. In the past, they expressed a desire for a federal union and sent representatives to the military-sponsored National Convention to seek amendments to the constitution, but the regime rejected their proposals.

Like the Burmese military dictators, the leaders of the ethnic groups in the north are feudal warlords who are anything but democratic. Making matters worse, the Wa and Kokang leaders are renowned for their involvement in the drug trade.

The US has blacklisted many of their leaders. In 2005, the US Department of Justice announced the indictment of eight UWSP leaders, including Chairman Bao You Chang.

Hostile attitudes have hardened and preparations for an offensive on the Wa and Kokang groups have heightened since US Senator Jim Webb, who advocates engagement with the regime, visited Burma in mid-August.

The regime knows that fighting against notorious drug lords would gain the sympathy if not blessing of the US. Ironically, it is the same regime that previously turned a blind eye on the drug trade in the north, even allowing Wa and Kokang leaders to establish businesses in Burma to launder drug money.

Resolving the status of ethnic groups in the political structure of Burma is an important issue that requires a durable political solution. Meanwhile, maintaining peace in Burma is paramount, but the regime’s recent actions against the Kokang and other ethnic groups along the border can only increase distrust and exacerbate tensions.



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Moe Aung Wrote:
07/09/2009
Seems like only yesterday that the opium warlords became leading entrepreneurs in Yangon. The good times, however, were never going to last.

Even if there had been 71 and not 17 insurgent armies that reached a ceasefire agreement, they would never have toppled the junta on their own without involving the mainstream Burmans. On top of that, united fronts came and went, but never stayed the course, and divided they fell. At least they were smart enough not to have surrendered their arms and entered the "legal fold." "Legal" was simply redefined for them by Khin Nyunt for expediency.

Even if a genuine political process for reconciliation with the minorities had ever been on the agenda, these armed groups were always destined to be either disarmed or subsumed into the Tatmadaw.

Khin Nyunt's comeback will never happen unless he enjoys a real following in the army. Those among the top brass are far too busy jockeying for position either in the future parliament or in the army hierarchy.

Saya San Wrote:
30/08/2009
The generals are obviously not satisfield with their share of the drug profits.

pLan B Wrote:
27/08/2009
The SPDC expedited the faulty process of a quick peace with various ethnic groups when under fire from the West for its brutal nullification of the election. Khin Nyunt was the architect.

Subsequently amassing a 400.000-strong armed forces and moving to Naypyidaw should indicate to even a casual observer the SPDC's eventual plan for the ethnic groups, given the treatment the KNU has received.

However, the SPDC has miscalculated the Chinese interest in keeping ethnic conflict as a noose on Burma for it own interest.
Time for SPDC to genuinely initiate a process that will thwart the interferences from without.

Time to bring back Khin Nyunt?



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